INTRODUCTION
Dick Morris states that “The New Prince” is based on a single premise: “If American politicians were truly pragmatic (interested in practical consequences when determining meaning, truth, or value[1]) and did what was really in their own best self-interest (regard for one’s own advantage, especially with disregard for others[2]), our political process would be a lot cleaner, more positive, nonpartisan (no bias, no emotional allegiance), and issue oriented.”[3] What if Morris’ premise were Machiavellian (subtle cunning, deceptive, and dishonest[4])?
TRULY PRAGMATIC
What is best for America? Not all politicians are good for America. Look at the corruption of Barney Frank, Al Sharpton, and William J. Jefferson to name a few. Don’t politicians already act with disregard for others? Aren’t they already behaving in a “self-interest” way? How are they re-elected? These men are full of “self-interest” and fully understand the consequences (there are none), and yet their political process is not “cleaner, more positive, nonpartisan, and issue oriented.”[5] Perhaps that is part of the problem, politicians becoming unemotional about their allegiances, so they change them at will, it matters not to them. This is the current state of affairs in Washington, DC.
America needs people who are emotionally allegiant to their cause, whether Democratic or Republican. When leaders step forward with purpose and a cause that is greater than them, the people will gather. Generating popularity “in and of itself” is deceptive; as that popularity will be used to manipulate “self-interests,” ideas, and programs that contradict the electorate. Implementing popular policy to bolster polls in response to unpopular policy is Machiavellian cover-up. To Morris, this premise means “eschewing ideologically faithful members of one’s own party to craft deals with the opposition, adopting your opponent’s most popular positions as your own, and taking care at all times to maintain a 50-percent approval rating. (”When [the president] dips below 50 percent,” Morris asserts, “he is functionally out of office.”)”[6]
Are American politicians expected to represent everyone’s interests? If so, then nothing would get done. “The most credible argument for Morris-style politics is half-a-loaf pragmatism: sure, you can stand by your beliefs in their purest form, but then you’ll lose, and the policies that result will be worse than compromise.”[7] Politicians are supposed to represent those who elect them; therefore, the “majority” of voters should influence the direction of America every voting cycle. Unfortunately, politicians do represent their own “self-interest,” staying in power, and that is why they succumb to the pressure of special interests, PACs, lobbyists and not to their electorate. The country moves in the direction that the money flows, and Morris is giving permission to politicians to go with the flow.
Are politicians ready for the practical consequences of truth? If so, they are already aware of the pragmatic effects and affects! Their strategy is Machiavellian in response to pragmatism.
How can anyone’s “self-interest” lead to a nonpartisan process? It defies its own definition. “As one proceeds through this small sausage of a book, it becomes horrifyingly clear that Morris believes his kind of politics is idealism because he cannot even conceive of any purpose for governing beyond power as an end in itself. He is not writing against the conventional notion of idealism; rather, he is writing in complete ignorance of it.”[8] If politicians only regard their own “self-interest,” a disregard for others, then how can they be unemotional with their beliefs? Once again, the secular world, in this case Morris, asks all Americans to shelf their worldview and replaces it with Morris’ Machiavellian view.
HAPPY ANNIVERSARY
With this book’s ten-year anniversary, come the revelations about the Clintons, their administration, and the truth behind the lies. Speaking of the Clinton Administration, of which Morris served for at least four years, it was said of Morris that he “seems to represent everything that’s wrong with our politics—lack of principle, disloyalty, obsession with polls, and sleazy personal behavior.”[9] Morris is hardly the example of The New Prince, or to be writing about one.
It comes as no surprise that this book has never been revised. Morris is rewriting history, skewing historical events, and redirecting our attention from the truth of matters in his own Machiavellian way. In his 1999 syndicated column, Morris defends Hillary suggesting that she was “raising money in NY for a campaign somewhere else.”[10] Why trust Morris, is it because he was successful? Does winning mean so much that Americans would turn from truth?
THE MEDIA’S ROLE: ILLUSIONIST
Do not ignore the media, foreign money, PAC money, special interests, zealots, right-wingers, left-wingers, and the human ego. These elements all contribute to American politics and always will. The fallen nature of man weighs in heavily here. The Bible says that “the tree is known by its fruit.”[11] The media’s agenda is control through propaganda, king-maker. For example; selective coverage, focusing on Obama’s strengths, combined with specific attacks on the oppositions’ voters, like with Joe the Plumber, shows the media’s partisanship, yet the public believes them to be nonpartisan.
Morris says that the “media doesn’t get it.”[12] No, they do get it. Morris conveniently ignores what he already knows. He states that “voters want to know more about how a candidate’s policies will affect them (and) are more interested in substance and issues.”[13] Yet poll after poll show just how misinformed voters are, and their attitude shows they don’t care.[14]
Even in 1999 the internet was overwhelmed with information on the candidates, but the focus has universally been to destroy the right: Nixon, Ford, Reagan, Bush, and Bush. Read Morris’ lists, page 47, of how Morris says Republican candidates won, and compare them with the tone and language Morris uses to describe how Democrats won.[15] Talk about partisan! For whom do Morris and the media provide coverage (an umbrella of protection): Kennedy, LBJ, Carter, Clinton, and Obama? The media may not create the initial image of the candidate, but it sure can elevate one and destroy the other.
THE MACHIAVELLIAN WAY
The bias and partisanship in this book makes it a troubling study for an uninformed reader. Each of Morris’s chapters has a palpable partisan bias leading the reader to a less than truthful conclusion. Morris begins each chapter with a premise and then supports that premise with misinformation to draw its conclusion. The premise may be worth learning about and its conclusion is in theory accurate; however, the deliberate use of partisan bias as data is unforgivable, especially when teaching about being “pragmatic.” How Machiavellian?
INDEPENDENT BOOK REVIEW
The following excerpts are from a well conceived book review by Noemie Emery in 1999 on Morris’ The New Prince (1999). The words and analysis are telling, and it would be an injustice to “rewrite” them.
NICCOL MACHIAVELLI, expert, it seems, on all things political, is having a revival of late. He has received the attention of two current courtiers: Michael A. Ledeen, former advisor to President Reagan; and Dick Morris, the political consultant whose most notorious former client is the sitting president.
Both have written books that evoke Machiavelli–at least on their covers. Ledeen’s book is actually about Machiavelli, whose precepts he explains to a new generation. Morris’s book is all about Bill Clinton, and not incidentally about himself. Ledeen and Machiavelli care about governing, while Morris and Clinton care for campaigns. Ledeen cares about genuine strength, as measured in morale and in armies. Morris cares for its appearance, as measured in polls. To Ledeen, and to Machiavelli, the role of the leader is to secure the long-term interests of the state and its people.
Nothing shows better that Ledeen and Morris are living in two different universes than their different conceptions of strength. To Machiavelli–and to Ledeen–strength is the true bedrock of leadership, the bringer of order and liberty, peace and stability. Strength can be badly misused by evil individuals; but the best intentions in the world will be meaningless in its absence: a simple idea readily grasped by Washington, Hamilton, Lincoln, both of the Roosevelt’s, Truman, Eisenhower, John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan.
In Clinton’s view, fear and power are to be used for his own survival not that of his country; and to Morris, strength means high polls. When Morris quotes Machiavelli on the subject of fear, the results are highly questionable: “How is a candidate to get the blessing of his party’s leaders? Remember Machiavelli’s dictum that it is better to be feared than loved. Rather than focus on being attractive to the party’s leaders, a candidate must be attractive to the voters … Those with good poll numbers prove irresistible.” “Irresistible” to whom, and where? Bosnian bullies and Chinese Communists certainly aren’t moved by these numbers.
Then there is the question of evil and good. In the surreal universe of high-pressure diplomacy, evil deeds such as lying and killing can lead in the end to beneficent outcomes, while deeds that on the face of things appear to be moral can lead to more dire events. “In order to achieve the noblest accomplishments, the leader may have to ‘enter into evil,’”
Ledeen maintains, quoting Machiavelli. “It is wrong to behave ethically if in doing so you open the door to enemies who will destroy all possibility of an ethical world.” Thus Ledeen cites the decision of Jimmy Carter to rule out assassination as a method of dealing with terrorists, because Carter thought singling out one man for death was immoral. But then, the only tactic left becomes bombing raids, which kill many innocent people.[16]
(Ironically, Clinton made the same choice in response to Osama Bin Laden! The more analysis given to The New Prince, the more analysis is needed. Emery continues her brilliant review below.)
To Clinton and Morris, at least from the evidence of The New Prince, morals are relative, and war is simply politics by other means. Thus one can bomb to try to distract from a personal scandal; start a half-war in an effort to postpone an impeachment; and go to war because it may look, or feel, good. To Ledeen, one must strike an enemy with all the force needed to obtain the objective; to do less than that is immoral.
In the Washington Post of May 27, Morris outlined a Bosnia strategy, based on poll data. Instead of bombing from 20,000 feet or sending in ground troops, he suggested sending in helicopters at 400 feet, a strategy he thought more dangerous but also more effective. “The President made the sine qua non of American involvement that there would no casualties. But that’s misguided. Polls and past experience suggest the American people would accept 25 to 50 deaths.” And what are these “acceptable deaths”? Apparently the number the public is ready to swallow without starting to turn on the president. Even the master might retch. (So much for Pragmatism)
Nothing divides the Machiavelli of Ledeen’s understanding from the Machiavelli of Morris’s as much as corruption in office itself. To Ledeen and his mentor, it is an insidious poison, capable of dissolving the government enterprise. “Free enterprises … must relentlessly fight corruption,” Ledeen tells us, “and when improper actions are found, the malefactors must be quickly demoted or dismissed.” Morris, on the other hand, cares little if his Prince is waist-high in perdition. After all, “Once a politician is indicted … voters turn away from him, but not before.” (It’s nice to know that people may still have some standards.)
To the Machiavelli envisioned by Ledeen, the administration given to us by Clinton is the very model of the sickened state. To this Machiavelli, foreign and defense policies are of the highest importance, keys to the safety of the national enterprise. To Clinton, and apparently to Morris, they are mere extensions of domestic politics, and serve the same purpose: to rev up one’s ratings in the polls.
Clinton, on the other hand, has no adequate sense of a national interest and so thinks predominantly of his own. (And this is Morris’ point, be self-interested.) The only end to which he has ever been apt to use fear and power has been his political survival, and then so that he may go on to seek more approval. He is the epitome of the Ledeen-Machiavellian idea of the impotent leader, who wants to be loved, not feared.
Machiavelli would not be surprised. Start out wanting to be feared, by all the right people and you may well end up being loved in the bargain. Start out seeking love, even from enemies, and you wind up with nothing at all.[17]
CONCLUSION
We can see that since 2000, Morris has distanced himself from the Clintons, and even drifted back towards his origins in the Republican Party. Perhaps The New Prince was really a farewell, please don’t assassinate me book. The title should have read A Farewell to Pragmatism: How to avoid a funeral Machiavellian style. American politics becomes pragmatic and Christ-centered, only after Heaven arrives on earth.
American politics does not serve constituents; but rather, it serves special interests. American politics is corrupt, negative, and power oriented. The “best interests” of politicians have never been “their voters,” it has always been “their constituents” (those who empower, donors); what has changed about that? Nothing.
[1] www.Dictionary.com
[2] Ibid.
[3] Dick Morris, The New Prince (Los Angeles: Renaissance Books, 1999), xv.
[4] www.Dictionary.com
[5] Dick Morris, The New Prince xv.
[6] Jonathan Chait, review of The New Prince, by Dick Morris, American Prospect, v11 no. 1 (November 23, 1999) p. 76-7.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Jonathan Alter, review of The New Prince, by Dick Morris, The Washington Monthly, v31 no. 7-8 (July/August 1999) p. 52-3.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Matthew 12: 33-37 NRSV
[12] Dick Morris, The New Prince, xv.
[13] Dick Morris, The New Prince, 46.
[14] Zogby Poll Questions at exit poll, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mm1KOBMg1Y8&feature=related
[15] Dick Morris, The New Prince, 47.
[16] Noemie Emery, review of The New Prince, by Dick Morris, National Review, v51 no. 14 (July 26, 1999) p. 54-5.
[17] Ibid.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alter, Jonathan, review of The New Prince, by Dick Morris, The Washington Monthly, v31 no. 7-8 (July/August 1999) p. 52-3.
Chait, Jonathan, review of The New Prince, by Dick Morris, American Prospect, v11 no. 1 (November 23, 1999) p. 76-7.
Dictionary.com
Emery, Noemie, review of The New Prince, by Dick Morris, National Review, v51 no. 14 (July 26, 1999) p. 54-5.
Frank, Barney, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barney_Frank
Jefferson, William J., http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_J._Jefferson
Matthew 12: 33-37 NRSV
Morris, Dick, The New Prince (Los Angeles: Renaissance Books, 1999), xv.
Sharpton, Al, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Sharpton
Zogby Poll, Questions at exit poll, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mm1KOBMg1Y8&feature=related